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Fascism: What It Is and How to Fight It, by Leon Trotsky
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Writing in the heat of struggle against the rise of fascism in Germany, France, and Spain in the 1930s, communist leader Leon Trotsky examines the class origins and character of fascist movements. Building on foundations laid by the Communist International in Lenin's time, Trotsky advances a working-class strategy to combat and defeat this malignant danger.
Also available in: French
- Sales Rank: #235901 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Pathfinder Pr
- Published on: 1993-12-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x 5.50" w x .25" l,
- Binding: Paperback
- 46 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Most helpful customer reviews
17 of 22 people found the following review helpful.
Trotsky's writings through the filter of Pathfinder
By R. J. Corbett
"Fascism, what it is and how to fight it" is presented as a work by Leon Trotsky, but is in fact an assemblage of excerpts from various of Trotsky's writings, collected and ordered by Sara Lobman and printed by the Pathfinder Press. The original source for each passage is cited in a footnote. Other footnotes, apparently written by Ms. Lobman to make Trotsky's references more familiar, give historically useful facts such as "The Jacobins were the revolutionary petty-bourgeois forces in the French Revolution of 1789." As a short introduction to Trotsky's thought, it can serve its purpose provided one is already versed in Marxist rhetoric.
0 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
As Promised
By W. Chambers
Product was in excellent condition and received well within the time limits, would definitely but from this vendor again.
10 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
A brief account of what fascism is, where it comes from, and what to do about it
By Brian M. Napoletano
A brief collection of some of Trotsky's important letters and articles regarding fascism, this pamphlet offers a brief introduction to the nature of fascism, the conditions that give rise to it, and the strategy of resisting it through a "united front." Based on his observations of the growth of National Socialism (i.e. fascism) in Italy, Germany, Spain, and France, Trotsky concludes that fascism is a mass movement based primarily in petite bourgeoisie and backed by the big capitalist powers. Trotsky identifies a twofold set of conditions that allowed fascism to take hold in Europe: 1) the disorientation and desperation (primarily among the petite bourgeoisie) brought on by the abrupt end of capitalism's growth phase and 2) the absence or failure of a genuinely revolutionary workers' party that offers both the proletariat and the petite bourgeoisie the hope of escape from the grasp of the bourgeoisie. Accordingly, Trotsky assigns a fair proportion of the blame for the rise of fascism in Europe to the leaders of the Communist parties, the Comintern, and the leaders of the social democratic parties who betrayed the workers' revolutions in Germany, France, Spain, and Italy. Trotsky links fascism to the reactionary backlash that followed these aborted revolutions, and counterpoises against the notion of the Communist Party as a form of revolutionary hope the notion of fascism, as a mass movement, as a form of revolutionary despair.
In light of the social foundation upon which fascism rests, Trotsky emphasizes the need for a united front led by a revolutionary proletarian party (as the vanguard of the proletarian class) against fascism. In order for the proletariat to inspire confidence among the petite bourgeoisie, however, the revolutionary movement must first possess confidence in itself. This means that the party must be lead by genuine revolutionaries from the working class who possess the commitment and the strategic capacity to build on and encourage the workers' revolutionary initiative. Trotsky also points up the need for solidarity and for the workers to defend themselves against violence from the fascist. Given the level of violence that workers face, he proposes the development of workers' militias and then systematically dismantles the most common oppositions offered to such a proposal. The final sections of the pamphlet discuss the situation in the United States at the time, and Trotsky warns that the same conditions that gave rise to fascism in Europe have already appeared in nascent form in the US. While his prediction of the length of time that the "war economy" could be used to forestall the radicalization of the working classes proved overly optimistic (Trotsky predicted that this delay could not be of "long duration," whereas the capitalist powers in the US have managed to maintain the military economy since the build-up to World War 2), the severe crisis which capitalism has recently entered into, coupled with the rise of the "Tea Party Patriots," the mainstream media's glorification of "Minutemen" vigilante mobs along the US-Mexican border, the vitriolic backlash against even the slightest measures to alleviate the poverty of the working class, the growth of Christian fundamentalism and the demonization of Muslims, and the absence of an independent workers' party, let alone a revolutionary party, all combine to create conditions similar to those described by Trotsky as the grounds from which a fascist movement grows. As Trotsky observes, the most effective way to counter these trends is to build the revolutionary party.
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